To understand transmission of knowledge and its impact on human evolution history, this study explores the research question: "How do hunter-gatherer children learn subsistence skills?". The authors use meta-ethnography methods on 34 cultures from five continents discussing these topics. The results show that the learning process starts early in infancy when their parents take them to the excursions. In middle childhood, they already acquired gathering skills. Only in the start of adolescence, adults begin teaching how to hunt and to produce complex tools. The learning process continues into adulthood.

This paper seeks to understand the roles played by children and adolescents in hunter-gatherer societies in relation to their social and ecological context. The authors set out to investigate how environmental factors, ecological risk, and the energetic contributions of adult men and women to food production may have influenced children/adolescent allocation of time to child care, domestic work, food production, and play. In order to carry out this study, the authors logged the behaviors of 690 children and adolescents from twelve hunter-gatherer and mixed-subsistence societies (Agta, Aka, Baka, BaYaka, Dukha, Hadza, Matsi-genka, Maya, Mayangna, Mikea, Pume, and Tsimane), totaling 85,597 unique observations. The study found that harsh environmental factors were not associated with child/adolescent time allocation, but that local ecological risk such as dangerous animals and lack of water availability predicted decreased time allocation to child care and domestic work, and that increased adult female participation in food production was associated with less time invested in child care among boys. It also found that all gendered differences in time allocation among children were stronger when men made greater contributions to food production than women. The authors interpret these results to signify that parents may play a role in preparing their children for environmental and ecological difficulty in order to help them develop skills that will help them become useful community members as adults.

Archaeologists often interpret found portable artifacts (e.g. dolls, miniature weapons) as ritual objects. But it is argued that they might instead reflect children's play activities. This descriptive study analyzes the artifacts and context of children's play using the literature and the ethnographic record of 82 hunter-gatherer societies. Six signs of the presence of children, that might survive in archaeological record are noted, which may suggest that many "ritual activities" are children's activities.

Social scientists are equivocal as to the importance of teaching (as contrasted with other forms of learning) in traditional societies. While many cultural anthropologists have downplayed the importance of teaching, cognitive psychologists often argue that teaching is a salient human universal. Here the authors investigate cultural transmission among 23 hunter-gatherer populations to explore the relative importance of teaching among foragers.

This paper examines patterns of cultural learning in pastoralist societies and compares them to those found in hunter-gatherer societies. The study analyzed 198 texts from 13 pastoralist cultures in the eHRAF World Cultures database and found that most cultural skills and knowledge were acquired in early childhood, with parents and non-parental adults as the primary sources of transmission. Teaching was the most common form of learning across all age groups, with minimal variation in transmission between different age groups. While similarities were found between the cultural learning patterns of pastoralists and hunter-gatherers, pastoralists were less likely to mention learning from peers and more likely to mention learning via local enhancement and stimulus enhancement. The importance of teaching did not increase with age in pastoralist societies, unlike in hunter-gatherer societies.

What is the relationship between childhood experiences and adult skills? The authors of this article hypothesize that early learning situations can result in psychological effects which can later be reflected in adult skills. To test this hypothesis, they investigate how specific childhood activities which stimulate gestalt brain development, such as creative games and holistic learning experiences, translate into adult gestalt skills, such as complex representations of their environments and originality of art. Through a systems approach which employs three levels of analysis- neurophysiology, psychology, and anthropology- the authors find that children's games and learning techniques are correlated with adult environmental representation and artistic originality, ultimately supporting their hypothesis.

The authors assemble an inventory of burning practices based on cross-cultural ethnographic data in order to elucidate or provide interpretive range for burning patterns seen in the archaeological record. Although no explicit hypotheses are tested, descriptive generalizations are proposed.

The authors explore coalitional play fighting (in which teams of at least two play against each other to achieve a goal) across hunter-gatherer societies, with the theory that play of this type may be a mechanism for assessing strength and utility for future defense or warfare. When played against other communities, they propose coalitional play fighting can also serve to gauge strength of potential allies or formidability of potential enemies. In order to test their theories, they predict that, despite the large energy cost and risk of sports associated with coalitional play fighting, these types of games will be widespread in hunter-gatherer societies. In addition, they predict that of those exhibiting coalitional play fighting, many will play against other communities. In support of their hypotheses, they find that 54% of hunter-gatherer societies examined exhibit coalitional play fighting, of which 81% play against other communities.

This study reanalyzes data from a previous study on variations in children's play from the Six Cultures project. Data described four types of play: role play, fantasy play, imaginative play, and creative-constructive play. Results shed light on the interplay between cultural, historial, economic and material conditions on the type and amount of play, as well as gender differences in play.

Authors undertook two studies to investigate the natures of work and play cross-culturally in children ages 6-10. The first study investigated potential variables affecting cross-cultural variation in the degree of children's contribution to economic work. The second study investigated the degree to which (and variables affecting why) forms of child's play reflect economic work and/or adult activities across various cultures.